Download A Descriptive and Comparative Grammar of Andalusi Arabic by University of Zaragoza PDF

By University of Zaragoza

Equipped at the scarce, yet now not insignificant surviving fabrics of Andalusi Arabic, this paintings presents a synchronic descriptive survey as whole as attainable of its simple grammar and lexicon, plus a few diachronic comparative feedback, permitting the reader to procure a close to actual photo of this subject-matter.

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Sample text

This matches well with the frequent transcription by ˙ Alc. , nádir “admi˙ - darf “leather bottle”, - }, nahfi¯d “I know ˙by heart”, ral”, from {ndr}, from {drf ˙ ˙ ˙ ˙ also detected in Alepo and Cyprus (Kormakiti) by Borg 1985:30 and in JT by Cohen 1975:63 and 110. , in which ¡ho! v. jodo (petaca). 57 Or rather an affricate; see Cantineau 1960:54–56. This type of articulation has survived only in the Modern South Arabian languages; see Johnstone 1975:7 and Steiner 1977:12. In some instances, this difficult phoneme has evolved into mere /l/, already in OA dialects (see Corriente 1978d), and the same inference must be drawn from cases like Alc.

Alcadi, and Cs. alcoba, Pt. and Ct. , Alcocer Gu. , from AA alqántara “the ˙ bridge”, alqusáyyar “the little castle”, and alaqwás “the arches”). However, ˙ ˙ and leaving aside cases of obviously intra-Rm. , Cs. algodón, Pt. algodão, vs. Ct. , Alc. 1) and, to be sure, in the idiolects of bilinguals of Br. and Hisp. stock, who brought it over from their minority languages and could at times introduce it into their varieties of AA, and thence into Rm. loanwords, like Pt. and Gl. tagra “an old measure”, from Br.

Dujánbir “December”, from Lt. D˘ecember, and járra “cleaned flax”, from Lt. cirrus, vs. chirr “fetlock”. 69 Cf. Et. əd, Sr. "¯ıd¯ a, Ak. idu; see Brockelmann 1908 I: 333. 30 phonology Corriente 1981:7 to Zan¯at¯ı Br. interference. As for voicing in intervocalic positions and even decay in word codas in Rm. , Cs. jábega “dragnet”, from AA sˇ ábka, and almojaba “window with a lattice work enclosure”, from AA almuˇsábbak), they obey to the rules of Rm. 22. 1), the realization of /q/ posits the ques˙ tion of an eventual voiced allophone in some idiolects of AA, comparable to its characteristic /g/ realization in many, mostly Bedouin, NA dialects.

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